Sex Madness Part 10 - Cycling for Girls
Pamela C. She was also academic director of the National Sports Journalism Center and, along with the former director, helped create and develop the first sports journalism graduate program in the United States. She is currently academic director of the Sports Capital Journalism Program and directs the academic side of the sports journalism graduate program. Laucella''s research analyzes multicultural issues in sport communication, as well as the intersections of race, class, and gender. She also studies diversity and inclusion in media hiring processes and reporters'' ethical and professional responsibilities in a multimedia world.
In addition to co-authoring the first and second editions of Strategic Sport Communication , she also wrote Jesse Owens, the Press, and the Berlin Olympic Games , published by Routledge.
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This research informs industry and promotes diversity, inclusion, and equal opportunity. Laucella is originally from Richmond, Virginia, and enjoys hiking with her rescue Labrador Retrievers, doing yoga, playing tennis, and swimming.
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She also plays the violin, writes creative nonfiction, and roots for her ACC alma maters. Edward "Ted" M. He earned an undergraduate degree in journalism from the University of Georgia, a master''s in sport management from the University of Texas at Austin, and a PhD in sport administration from Florida State University.
Previously, he served on the faculty at the University of Central Florida, where he was founding coordinator of the graduate program in sport leadership and coaching and held the rank of tenured associate professor of sport administration. Kian''s research focuses on sport media, examining portrayals of gender and LGBT, new media, the attitudes and experiences of sport media members, and the marketing of sport.
He has also reviewed more than 85 submissions for 23 academic journals as an editorial-board member or ad-hoc reviewer. He also has 15 years of professional experience in sport communication, working with newspapers, magazines, media relations, websites, and radio while authoring more than 2, popular-press articles. His professional positions included three years as a sportswriter and editor for the Los Angeles Newspapers Group, where he was among a team of Long Beach Press-Telegram reporters honored with an Associated Press Sports Editors national award for investigative journalism.
Andrea N. She has also presented her research at conferences and invited lectures in countries around the world, including the United States, Canada, Mexico, Germany, Spain, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, and Norway. Parks Research Grant in and Geurin serves on the editorial boards of six academic journals and is a member of the NASSM publicity and promotions committee. She has volunteered in media relations roles at a number of national and international sporting events, such as the U.
The most salient among these differences are observed in the domain of play. In fact, toy interests are another key sex difference, with boys gravitating towards things like toy machine guns and monster trucks and girls orienting towards neotenous dolls and hyperfeminized figurines. Young children of both sexes enjoy fantasy—or pretend— play , but the roles that the two sexes take on within the fantasy context are already clearly gender-segregated by as early as two years of age, with girls enacting the role of, say, cooing mothers, ballerinas or fairy princesses and boys strongly preferring more masculine characters, such as soldiers and superheroes.
Not surprisingly, therefore, boys naturally select other boys for playmates, and girls would much rather play with other girls than with boys.
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Empirically, explain the authors, there are two ways to investigate the relation between sex-typed behaviors and later sexual orientation. Usually this is done by using something like the famous Kinsey Scale , which involves a semistructured clinical interview about sexual behavior and sexual fantasies to rate people on a scale of 0 exclusively heterosexual to 6 exclusively homosexual.
Conducting prospective studies of this sort is not terribly practical, explain Bailey and Zucker, for several reasons. First, given that only about 10 percent of the population is homosexual, a rather large number of prehomosexuals are needed to obtain a sufficient sample size of eventually gay adults, and this would require a huge oversampling of children just in case some turn out gay.
Second, a longitudinal study tracking the sexuality of children into late adolescence takes a long time—around sixteen years—so the prospective approach is very slow-going. Finally, and perhaps the biggest problem with prospective homosexuality studies, not a lot of parents are likely to volunteer their children. For example, in a issue of Developmental Psychology , University of Toronto psychologist Kelley Drummond and her colleagues interviewed 25 adult women who, as children between years of age, were referred by their parents for assessment at a mental health clinic.
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At the time, all of these girls had several diagnostic indicators of gender identity disorder. And the same holds for gay men. In their report, Bailey and Kenneth Zucker revealed that, in retrospective studies the second method used to examine the relation between childhood behavior and adult sexual orientation, in which adults simply answer questions about their childhoods 89 percent of randomly sampled gay men recalled cross-sex-typed childhood behaviors exceeding the heterosexual median.
Numerous studies have since replicated this general pattern of findings, all revealing a strong link between childhood deviations from gender role norms and adult sexual orientation. Although gender-atypical behavior in childhood is strongly correlated with adult homosexuality, it is still an imperfect correlation.
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Not all little boys who like to wear dresses grow up to be gay, nor do all little girls who despise dresses become lesbians. Speaking for myself, I was rather androgynous, showing a mosaic pattern of sex-typical and atypical behaviors as a child. In fact, by thirteen, I was already deeply socialized into masculine social norms; in this case, I took to middle school wrestling as a rather scrawny eighty-pound eighth grader, and in so doing I ironically became all too conscious indeed of my homosexual orientation.
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Intriguingly, cross-cultural data published by Fernando Luiz Cardoso of Santa Catarina State University in a issue of Archives of Sexual Behavior showed that young prehomosexual males are attracted to solitary sports, such as swimming, cycling, or tennis, over rougher contact sports, such as football or soccer—and also that they are less likely to be childhood bullies. I distinctly recall being with the girls on the monkey bars during second grade recess while the boys were in the field playing football, thinking to myself that that was rather strange.
Another caveat is that researchers in this area readily concede that there are probably multiple—and no doubt very complicated—developmental routes to adult homosexuality. Heritable, biological factors interact with environmental experiences to produce phenotypic outcomes, and this is no less true for sexual orientation than it is for any other within-population variable.
Whatever the causal route, however, none of this implies, whatsoever, that sexual orientation is a choice. In fact it implies quite the opposite, since prepubertal erotic experiences can later consolidate into irreversible sexual orientations and preferences, as I discussed in a previous piece on the childhood origins of fetishes and paraphilias.
I appreciate the anti-discriminatory motives, but if we insist on using such politically correct parlance without consideration of more complex, postnatal developmental factors, are we really prepared to label newborns as being LGBT? Then we arrive at the most important question of all.